Thursday, 21 April 2011

潘嘉偉:《新事》通諭--歷久常新的啟示

發表於香港聖神研究中心期刊《鼎》2011年 春季號 第31卷 總第160期 《新事》通諭 - 一百二十週年回顧 

潘嘉偉,香港教友,中國維權律師關注組執行秘書

筆 者前年在香港中文大學修讀天主教研究文學碩士的時候,修讀「天主教社會倫理」一科,第一篇要讀的教會文獻就是《新事》通諭。筆者從事關注中國內地人權問題 的工作,並曾在香港教區天主教正義和平委員會擔任委員而了解香港社會基層人士面對的各種問題;《新事》通諭裡討論很多關於經濟和社會公義的問題,特別感到 這份通諭具有很強的前瞻性,而且不難發現通諭指出的問題,一百二十年後的今天仍然存在。筆者謹以此文援引一些香港和中國社會的例子,探討這份劃時代的通 諭,對現今中國人社會的意義。

全文請看: http://www.hsstudyc.org.hk/big5/tripod_b5/b5_tripod_160_05.html

這是宗教自由嗎?


http://kkp.catholic.org.hk/lo/lo3505/lo3505_08.htm


2011年4月24日發表於香港《公教報》「義筆容辭」專欄

潘嘉偉

中國政府打壓異見的聲音愈演愈烈,著名人士如藝術家艾未未被帶走失蹤引起各方關注,其他被帶走而名不見經傳的人士的情況令人更為擔憂,至於教會人士被帶走,更是除了教會媒體和一些教會團體關注之外,一般媒體一點都沒有報導。

據天主教亞洲通訊社(天亞社)四月十三日報導,河北省三名神父被強行帶走,甚至遭到不人道對待。三名神父都是很年青的神父,他們沒有像維權人士和異見作家那樣寫文章或發表言論表達意見,他們只是履行神職人員的責任,但河北省的公安人員卻以各種非法手段拘禁這些神父,究竟是甚麼道理?如果只是因為這些神父拒絕領取甚麼所謂的「神父證」、加入愛國會及接受官方的「獨立自主自辦教會」原則,便以這樣不人道的方式對待他們,我們怎能接受和充耳不聞呢?

據報導,三月中,正定教區王立芳神父被便衣人員騙去為教友施行臨終聖事而被帶走,至今仍然失蹤;另一名四十歲張廣軍神父一月中被帶走,拘禁期間被禁止睡覺五日,又遭到不人道對待和辱罵,被短暫釋放回家過年後,於三月八日再次被帶走,又傳出他再被毒打,至今下落不明;還有另一個同樣令人心酸的例子,宣化教區一名剛晉鐸兩年、年僅二十九歲的陳海龍神父於四月八日與兩名青年準備去探望教友途中,竟然被便衣公安帶走。

當我們看見這些情況的時候,我們作為教友有甚麼感覺?中梵關係確實很複雜,我們作為普通教友,無法得知中梵之間如何溝通,固然很難給予甚麼意見。去年承德教區非法祝聖主教和中國天主教愛國會強行召開第八屆代表會議,這些問題對不太了解中國教會的普通教友來說,確是很難體會內地教會的困難。但上述三位神父面對的情況,相信大家都無法接受,怎麼可能公安可以如此肆意粗暴對待神父。酷刑與失蹤,一宗也不能接受,更何況是短時間之內接二連三發生?試問若是有宗教自由,為何出現這些駭人聽聞的打壓呢?

對於河北省張家口地區宣化教區和西灣子教區的神職人員面對連番打壓,正委會於四月十三日發表聲明,要求河北政府停止迫害當地神職人員。據正委會收集的資料,從二○○六年到目前為止,當地至少已有近二十位神職人員遭受無辜的非法拘禁、關押、虐打、被迫參加學習班,受到肉體及精神上的折磨。引述的事例包括二○○七年九月宇中勛神父被吊在一個廣場的籃球架一晚後,受老虎櫈十多天,又被煙頭燙傷、灌辣椒水等酷刑對待;二○○九年六月八日劉建忠神父被關押六個月,在最後的六天不准睡覺,每天站軍姿、蹲馬步、做俯臥撐十多小時。還有至今仍然失蹤的保定教區蘇志民主教、鹿根君神父、馬武勇神父和劉弘更神父,易縣教區師恩祥主教等等。這些神長都是我們教會內的兄弟,讓我們繼續關注他們,為他們和內地教會祈禱。

天主教正義和平委員會 http://www.hkjp.org

Tuesday, 19 April 2011

【評論】潘嘉偉:莫把人民趕入絕路


2011年4月19日發表於天主教亞洲通訊社(天亞社)


【天亞社.香港訊】中國政府拘留國際知名藝術家艾未未,近日又大力打壓維權律師和社會活躍人士,再次震驚世界。當局似乎對自己在國際舞台上的經濟影響力漸具信心,因此並不在意國際社會對其人權記錄的批評。


其實,艾未未與許多其他評論者一樣,甫「茉莉花革命」開始便反對這個想法,認為中國人民對保護人權和民主還沒有足夠意識。然而,由於他的「推特」微博〈http://twitter.com/aiww〉擁有逾七萬六千名讀者,其網上影響力和知名度令當局變得多疑,最近甚至把他看成打壓目標。


艾未未是二零零八年北京奧運會國家體育館(俗稱「鳥巢」)的共同設計者,其藝術作品、網誌及微博的文章以幽默嘲諷政府的惡行見稱。因此,令人格外擔憂的是,中國政府甚至連這些表達方式也不能容忍。艾未未被扣押,再次顯示中國政府不再在乎是否依法行事,他們利用官方媒體中傷艾未未,宣稱他因一些「經濟罪行」而接受調查;卻沒有按中國《刑事訴訟法》的規定,在拘留艾未未二十四小時及訊問二十四小時內通知其家人。


中國政府連溫和的評論者也打壓,看來是懼怕網上匿名人士所發起的「茉莉花革命」。這個要求改善人權狀況和政治改革的網上呼籲行動始於今年二月下旬,祇不過是號召民眾逢周日下午微笑散步而已。


雖然無人認為這些行動最後會像突尼西亞、埃及、利比亞、其他北非及中東國家般出現巨變,連要求釋放著名異見者的人也沒有這個想法,但中國政府卻似乎十分擔心這些號召可能像雪球般滾出失控的行動。據國際特赦組織稱,自二月下旬開始,逾百人包括著名異見人士與藉藉無聞的網民,已被拘留、受公安監視和恫嚇、或失蹤。


當胡錦濤主席和溫家寶總理零三年接掌權力時,許多人期望他們會推行較開放的政策,以及放寬人民表達意見的空間。表面上,中國政府零四年在憲法內加入人權條文,並於零八年北京奧運後立即推出所謂《國家人權行動計劃(2009—2010年)》,試圖向國際社會示好;但行動計劃卻無一付諸實行。


中國當局越來越善於擺姿態以轉移國際批評。令人憂慮的是,到底明年將掌舵的新領導班子會不會以更嚴厲方式對付異見人士。


與八九民運人士提出的抽象民主訴求不同的是,現時大多數異見人士提出改善人權的具體訴求。例如,遭非法強徵用地而失去土地的農民和毒奶粉受害者的家長,最初嘗試尋求律師協助,循法律途徑捍衛自己的權利。


但他們要求賠償的訴訟卻被法院無理阻擋,最終祇能訴諸上訪,可是卻屢次被捕及控以「尋釁滋事罪」或其他毫無根據的罪名。像趙連海就被法庭以「尋釁滋事罪」罪名判監兩年半,後來獲保外就醫。


更可怕的是,連向他們提供法律援助的維權律師亦難逃打壓。


如果人們不能循法律途徑解決怨憤,祇有被迫採取極端手段。當平民被迫成為社會活躍人士,社會定必更不安寧。縱使中國政府計劃今年花六千二百四十四億人民幣(九百五十億美元)「維持穩定」,卻無助於緩解社會矛盾。


————————
撰文:潘嘉偉。作者是香港天主教正義和平委員會委員、中國維權律師關注組執行秘書,以及獨立中文筆會副會長。


【完】


天亞社英文新聞:
Don’t Push People to the Extreme

Friday, 8 April 2011

Don't push people to extremes

Published in the Union of Catholic Asian News on 8 April 2011


http://www.ucanews.com/2011/04/08/don%E2%80%99t-push-people-to-extremes

Don’t push people to extremes

Chinese dissidents nowadays are making concrete calls for improvements in human rights

Patrick Poon, Hong Kong
China
April 8, 2011


The Chinese government has shocked the world again by detaining internationally renowned artist Ai Weiwei and launching a severe crackdown on human rights lawyers and activists. It seems that the Chinese government does not care about international criticism of its human rights record as it becomes more confident with its economic influence in the international arena.

Ai Weiwei, like many other critics, in fact rejected the idea of a “jasmine revolution” when he started, saying that there wasn’t enough awareness on human rights protection and democracy among Chinese people.

However, he has still become a target of the crackdown since the Chinese government is paranoid over his influence and popularity on the Internet, while his Twitter has more than 76,000 followers. Ai Weiwei, who was a co-designer of the National Stadium (colloquially known as the Bird’s Nest) for the Beijing Olympics in 2008, is famous for his making fun of government wrongdoings through his artwork and his blog and micro blog.

It is thus particularly worrying that the Chinese government cannot even tolerate such humorous expression. Ai Weiwei’s detention once again shows that the Chinese government does not care about following its own laws as they resort to using the official media to discredit him by announcing that he is under investigation for “economic crimes,” while his family were not notified within 48 hours of his detention as is required by China’s Criminal Procedure Law.

Even moderate critics have also become targets of the crackdown, which appears related to the Chinese government’s fear of anonymous online calls for a “jasmine revolution” – which were merely appeals for people to stroll by and smile in certain venues every Sunday afternoon – demanding improvements in the human rights situation and political reform in late February 2011.

It seems that the Chinese government was worried that it might snowball into action out of their control, although no people, including those calling for the release of prominent dissidents, believed that the actions would turn into dramatic events such as in Tunisia, Egypt, Libya and other countries in North Africa and the Middle East.

According to Amnesty International, more than 100 people, including famous dissidents and unknown online citizens, have been detained, subjected to monitoring and intimidation by the security forces, or have gone missing since late February.

When President Hu Jintao and Premier Wen Jiabao came to power in 2003, many people hoped that they would be more open in their policies and would allow more space for people to express their views. On the surface, the Chinese government tried to look good in front of the international community by introducing human rights stipulations in its constitution in 2004 and introduced the so-called “2009-2010 Human Rights Action Plan” immediately after holding the Beijing Olympics in 2008.

But nothing in the action plan has been put into practice. The Chinese government is getting more skillful in making these gestures to divert international criticism. Indeed, one can’t help worrying whether the new leadership, which will take the helm in 2012, will take an even more heavy-handed approach against dissidents.

Different from the dissidents of the pro-democracy movement in 1989, who made an abstract call for democracy, most of the Chinese dissidents nowadays are making concrete calls for improvements in human rights.

Farmers who lost their land because of illegal land grabs and parents of toxic milk-powder victims, like Zhao Lianhai – who was sentenced to 2.5 years for “inciting social disorder” and later released on medical parole – originally tried to defend their rights by using lawyers to go through the legal procedures, but their lawsuits for compensation were blocked by the courts without any reason.

They had no choice but to resort to petitions. But then, they were often arrested and accused of “inciting social disorder” or other baseless offences. What is more alarming is that human rights lawyers who provided legal assistance to them have also become targets in the crackdown.

If people cannot resolve their grievances by legal means, they will be pushed to apply more extreme measures. When ordinary citizens are forced to become activists, it will definitely create more unrest in the country. It won’t help to ease social tension even though the Chinese government plans to spend 624.4 billion yuan (US$95 billion) this year on “maintaining stability.”

Patrick Poon is a Committee Member of  the Justice and Peace Commission of the Hong Kong Diocese, Executive Secretary of China Human Rights Lawyers Concern Group and Vice-president of the Independent Chinese PEN Centre.

CH13916.1648